Say no to authoritarianism, say yes to socialism. Free Palestine 🇵🇸 Everyone deserves Human Rights

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Joined 3 years ago
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Cake day: August 18th, 2023

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  • Yeah, I agree that was complete bullshit. Not even NY DSA is nearly as bold as they should be.

    But I’m also not going to dismiss the over 200 candidates currently serving because of the ground work the DSA chapters have done.

    And unlike in the DNC, those issues can actually be brought up and forced to be addressed by the serving body in those chapters.

    I don’t know if you’ve visited your local DSA chapter, if you live in the states, but for better or for worse it’s all grassroots volunteers.

    I don’t personally care which organization someone gets involved in, whether DSA or PSL or a different one. It’s getting involved with the community that matters. My experience is with west coast DSA chapters, which are still new to electoral politics, and even such only at the city level.


  • Strongly disagree, DSA does far more than simply electoral politics. They’re also decentralized. Chapters don’t follow any centralized DSA message, each operate independently as organized by their local members. When it comes to electing candidates, chapters independently determine what policies are needed for their endorsement and they also hold those candidates accountable outside the DNC. Candidates run on the D ticket because that’s the reality of US politics. In both local and national politics, they have forced political bodies to move their politics to the left, to be accountable to their constituents instead of simply donors. You may not like that they’ve moved those political bodies as much left or as fast as you prefer, sure. But that’s also only a single avenue of pressure. Each DSA chapter is only as bold as it’s members. And that’s only recently grown in resurgence. Before the last 2 campaign cycles, the DSA was a fraction of the size (and it’s still very small) it was, and mostly comprised of old heads. I’m not surprised if the majority of old heads were/are liberal Zionists. But that’s far from the truth for the new wave of members, which now outnumber the old heads.

    And it’s not like there’s also PSL. Both play important roles, as do many other liberation organizations and advocacy groups. It’s a United front of coalitions that are needed to push the envelope in as many ways as possible.





  • Getting involved with DSA to promote a meaningful opposition is the best we can currently do at the moment, imo. Internal opposition by promoting socialist candidates and external opposition in the form of protests (ideally labor strikes, but labor organizing isn’t really there yet) are both needed for force their hands to capitulate to their voter base



  • First, thank you for well written response

    It’s true that Fanon himself did not write too much on neocolonialism, as it was a bit past his time. However, if you understand how reactionary sentiments foment in the process of an anti-colonialist revolution, it’s not difficult to understand how that persists in the face of neocolonialism, as western empires continue to subjugate these nations with modern methods.

    In the case of Burkina Faso, we can’t ignore France’s neocolonialist actions since their independence. They have not been sovereign in the same sense that western nations have. While western nations were able to develop civil rights free of the constant battle against neocolonial dominance, this is still not the case for countries like Burkina Faso. France has still been a constant threat against their sovereignty, and as such, the anti-western hardliners continue to stay in power.

    Spoiler

    Unlike what they did in Indochina and Algeria, France granted independence to most of its West and Central African colonies peacefully in the 1960s. Just because these new countries were independent in name, however, does not mean they were sovereign… the African Financial Community (CFA) franc monetary zone, which is inherently unequal and rooted in exploitative practices.

    For decades, France had a certain level of control of Burkina Faso’s monetary situation through their establishment of the CFA Franc zone, This monetary union between numerous West African countries and France, stipulated that these countries maintain their monetary reserves within French treasuries [8]. This monetary policy resulted in an economy that increasingly favored French imports instead of attempting to rely on domestic production, which maintained the historical level of dependence on France that existed within the country and neighboring regions. This dependence on France has made it difficult for Burkina Faso to sustainably develop local communities due to economic policies that favor foreign influences instead of local development.

    On 15 October 1987, the socialist president of Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara, was assassinated, aged 37. He was killed in a military coup that is suspected to have been backed by France, the former colonial power.

    After Sankara’s death, Burkina Faso entered a period of political instability, marked by coups, military regimes, and civil unrest. During this time, France played a significant role in Burkina Faso’s political affairs, supporting various regimes and exerting its influence on the country’s economic policies. This led to the emergence of neocolonialism, where France maintained its grip on Burkina Faso’s political and economic systems, despite the country’s formal independence.


  • No, it’s not unless you’re claiming Fanon in unreliable and not credible. A counter argument of ‘I don’t personally think so’ is not a valid counter argument against the highly respected works of an academic who both lived and studied his lifes work

    The Wretched of the Earth

    A Dying Colonialism

    Black Skin, White Masks

    If you can’t attack the substance, you attack the source. The only other time I’ve seen a weak bs claim of ‘appeal to authority’ is from people who try to discredit human rights reporting on genocide.






  • To put it simply, when western forces colonize a people, they simultaneously suppress and frame their traditions as barbaric and prop up their own western values as civilized. The colonized people experience unconscionable violence from these western forces, seeing first hand the inhumanity being caused in the name of ‘civility’. Naturally, as anti-colonial resistance mounts, the most anti-West voices gain the most momentum, seen as less corruptible to those western forces and more unwavering in their resistance. So it’s no surprise that reactionary attitudes on civil rights come as a reaction to western colonialism.

    It’s only once a people are able to reclaim their sovereignty that civil rights movements are able to build, fight for, and win those rights domestically. Without being co-opted by foreign powers with the only goal of destabilization.

    I wasn’t aware of the connection myself until I read Fanon’s works at length

    The suppression of those traditions, on Fanon’s account, marginalize or push tradition into secret—or, perhaps, keep the tradition in the open, but always as backward, abject, and contrary to modernity. This means tradition is still alive, not a mirage, and as alive also valued deeply by communities resisting colonial rule. Such traditions can be instrumentalized for the sake of revolutionary action, only to be evaluated after colonialism for their suitability in a postcolonial nation and culture. The same logic is elaborated in “The Algerian Family”, where Fanon explores the traditional structure of families in Algeria, in particular how those families set gender identity, power, marriage, and reproduction in fixed roles. Revolutionary families, he argues, identify these fixed roles and break with them while also maintaining a conviction that their practices are Algerian—that is, Algerian in the new sense.




  • Zionism has it’s roots in Christianity. In short, it began purely religious, expanded to include Jewish Zionists early on, notably in the wake of pogroms in Europe, expanded to include secular justifications as European powers (Britain in particular) were sold onto the project. In any case, Antisemitism was Weaponized to benefit the Zionist project, at the expense of the safety of the Jewish diaspora.

    Ilan Pappe has a very detailed book about the origins to the modern day lobbying apparatus: Lobbying for Zionism on Both Sides of the Atlantic

    I haven’t read too much of the book yet, so that’s the best summary I can come up with right now

    Zionism began as an evangelical Christian concept and later an active project. It appeared as a religious appeal to the faithful both to aid and be prepared for the ‘return of the Jews’ to Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state there as the fulfilment of God’s will. But soon after, the Christians involved in this campaign politicised this ‘theology of return’, once they realised that a similar notion had begun to emerge among European Jews, who despaired of finding a solution to the never-ending anti-Semitism on the continent. The Christian desire to see a Jewish Palestine coincided with a similar European Jewish vision in the late nineteenth century.