Like the title says, I’m new to Marxism and have only read a couple works relating to socialism. I don’t think I know enough about Marxism to firmly define myself into any “type” (although council communism sounds pretty interesting.) Second Thought and Yugopnik are what got me into Marxism, but more recently I’ve been listening to Socialism For All’s audiobooks and reaction videos while driving. In his reaction video to The Deprogram’s China Episode, he makes some interesting points about how China could become “social imperialist” and succeed the US/NATO as the new imperialist global hegemon, among some other things. From an outsider’s perspective, I don’t consider the current China socialist because of the fact that private property and many other capitalist elements still exist within it, but I do appreciate how much it has been able to develop over the past few decades, like poverty reduction and massive infrastructure projects that wouldn’t be possible with typical liberal democracies. People excuse the private property and “restricted” capitalism as necessary evils until China has the conditions to create socialism, but I have doubts about whether China’s still even working towards socialism or whether the Chinese proletariat actually hold power over the bourgousie. China doesn’t support communist movements internationally, and the liberalized economy has gone on far longer than the NEP in the soviet union despite both being created for the same reason, and I can’t seem to find a good reason why it’s lasted this long. (I also have concerns about privacy and the fact that access to the outside internet is restricted, although that’s not really related to this topic.) I’d stumbled across this reddit thread a while ago, and while I know reddit isn’t the best place for serious discussion, I think that the person in the video does make good points, as do the people in both the r/TankieTheDeprogram and r/ultraleft threads and I honestly don’t know what to think or who to take seriously in that discussion. I would appreciate if anyone could give me a genuine response to these concerns, thanks.
Edit: Thank you all so much for the responses! I’ve learned quite a bit reading them, although I haven’t had a chance to check out the links people have sent yet. I’ll try to update this post with any new questions and respond to comments whenever I have time.
you said its bad that china will have socialist imperialist hegemon but at the same time theyre bad because china does not support (i.e fund and buy weapons for) socialist movements worldwide.
truth is, china has no responsibility to fund revolutions and unorganic revolutions do not last for long.
much of eastern europe was ruled by reactionary anti jew anti slav anti worker anti woman rulers and they joined WW2 with nazi germany. USSR then wins the war and elevates the area to sapience. the socialist states crumble because of many reasons, one of them being improper denazification.
only the nation can properly clean themselves of reactionary sentiments and foreigners should not get involved. it will not work.
i saw a chinese person basically explain that china cant do a revolution in other countries because if something emerges from inside the egg it is a new life, but if it emerges from the inside, the egg cracks.
china has no responsibility to fund revolutions
Youre right, it is the CPC responsibility.
i saw a chinese person basically explain that china cant do a revolution in other countries because if something emerges from inside the egg it is a new life, but if it emerges from the inside, the egg cracks.
COPE. Did korea became “food” and not a “new life” because they recived support from the Soviets and Also the Chinese?
My understanding is the CPC are playing extremely careful. But even then it really feels like a betrayal, especially when considering that they supported the mujahadeen.
Edit: i dont think China “betrayed socialism”, im saying that their foreign policy kinda really sucks.
we like each other so im not gonna go too hard on u. like i explained, unorganic revolutions dont work. korea had an organic revolution. the situation in post ww2 korea is not at all comparable to the modern stage of geopolitics. korea quite literally have an ideology of self sustenance too. and its not ”betrayal” because they never suggested being on anyones side.
”china come save us!” is a disgraceful sentiment from americans and socialist westerners alike. the Black Panthers were offered political asylum by Mao himself but they turned it down and kept fighting in their country for marginalized people to have rights. being a revolutionary does not mean china has to come save you, it means you have to fight.
Why would any kind of leftist not like China in a world dominated by western imperialism? It is such a western leftist thing to dislike China lol.
People excuse the private property and “restricted” capitalism as necessary evils
You are already off on the wrong foot. You take Marxism to be a moralist philosophy that states private property is morally wrong therefore should all be made illegal, and you find it problematic that China has not done that, and then see people explaining why as “excusing” it as a “necessary evil.”
Marxism is not a moralist philosophy. The treatment of private property is not that it is morally repugnant. Marxism is a branch of scientific research that attempts to analyze the development of human societies objectively, using evidence and material analysis, to form models of it, as well as to use those models to predict how it will develop in the future.
The treatment of private property originates from Marx’s analysis that the material basis of private property is in the decentralization of production, but that markets have a natural tendency to centralize production as the production process becomes more and more complicated. Marx referred to this centralization of production as “socialization.”
Centralized production is a different foundation than decentralized production, and it is less socially stable when paired with private ownership, because you end up with an extraordinarily tiny number of people meticulously controlling everything in society.
Competition becomes transformed into monopoly. The result is immense progress in the socialisation of production. In particular, the process of technical invention and improvement becomes socialised. This is something quite different from the old free competition between manufacturers, scattered and out of touch with one another, and producing for an unknown market…Capitalism in its imperialist stage leads directly to the most comprehensive socialisation of production; it, so to speak, drags the capitalists, against their will and consciousness, into some sort of a new social order, a transitional one from complete free competition to complete socialisation. Production becomes social, but appropriation remains private. The social means of production remain the private property of a few. The general framework of formally recognised free competition remains, and the yoke of a few monopolists on the rest of the population becomes a hundred times heavier, more burdensome and intolerable.
(Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism)
Marx made a prediction, based on this analysis, that this social instability will grow and grow as enterprises grow larger in scale, and eventually will become so socially unstable that society will not be able to proceed any further unless the contradiction is resolved. Given that the socialization of production is a natural consequence of the immense scale of production due to its technological complexity, Marx did not believe you could always “bust up” large enterprises without destroying their technological foundations (at least the ones which became large through fair means of actually producing the best product). Thus, you instead have to change the ownership structure around it, i.e. to make it public and no longer private.
Why do I mention all of this?
Because the moralist analysis say: “private property is morally evil, therefore we should make it all illegal.” This mentality leads people to think socialism is just about passing a law that says “all private property is now illegal, and any country which doesn’t do this is evil betrayer of ‘true’ socialism.”
But in Marx’s analysis, there is no moral condemnation of private property, but instead the expropriation of industries exists for a very particular purpose, which is to resolve the contradiction between the socialization of production and the privatization of appropriation. There is thus a necessary condition that is a prerequisite to justify expropriating industries: that the industry is sufficiently socialized.
You see, if you nationalize a section of the economy which is dominated by small enterprise, where production is not socialized and it is not already operating on a national scale, then you are requiring the state to take over a section of the economy which the infrastructure and technology objectively, materially does not even exist yet to operate it at a national scale. You will introduce a contradiction between socialized appropriate and private production.
The moralist position ends up introducing policies which are antithetical to Marx’s own analysis and would be predicted to fail. Indeed, Lenin in “A Tax in Kind” said that nationalizing the small producers would be “economic suicide” to the party that attempted it, and that in “Left-wing Communism: an Infantile Disorder” said that you just have to “learn to live alongside them” (the small producers). In the Manifesto Marx is clear that you cannot nationalize all the small producers instantly, but can only nationalize the largest enterprises, and then promote rapid economic development, because this will encourage the development of more national giants and allow you to extend expropriations very gradually over a long period of time.
The Marxist vision of a classless society is not one where there is no private businesses because having a private business is illegal and you will be shot if you try to start one. No, it is a society where the publicly owned national enterprises are so technologically developed and efficient that if you tried to start a private business, you would have no chance of competing and would just go bankrupt. It would not be laws that prevent you from starting your own private business, but the material conditions in the real world.
People complain that “only” 40% of China’s GDP output comes from the public sector, but they forget that 60% of China’s GDP output is from small-to-medium sized enterprises. These kinds of things should not be nationalized to begin with. People often bring up the NEP but it’s not relevant. It is just basic Marxian analysis 101 that it makes zero sense to nationalize producers which are not already operating at a national scale.
What the USSR implemented was ultimately a wartime economy for the purpose of preparing for war against Germany. It is not how Marxist generally understood how the development of socialism would proceed, and is largely an invention of Stalin, which is why it is referred to in Chinese literature as the “Stalin Model” (斯大林模式). It is ultimately a revision of classical Marxism that many people copied because for a short time it seemed to work, but that was only when the economy was focused primarily on heavy industry.
When it came time to shift into light industry, they ran into exactly the kind of contradiction that classical Marxism would predict, which is that the state simply lacked the material infrastructure to satisfy all the light industry demand on a national scale, and naturally you had black markets of small producers arise which tried to fill in the gap themselves, but due to Soviet law, they had to constantly crush the small producers that only spontaneously arose to fill the gaps in their own system. This was, again, something Lenin warned about, that you should not waste time trying to crush the small producers that only arise due to your own economic inefficiency.
This, however, contributed to enormous corruption, because, on a material level, their economy was simply not compatible with production on a national scale for all products, and so the small producers were unavoidable and would continually spontaneously return. Since they remained illegal, they became part of the black markets, an unregulated secondary economy which, already in violation of the law, would use their influence to try and bring down the Soviet government.
This is something the PCC in Cuba commented on when they reformed their law as well, that the small producers always existed and the change in law was merely recognizing their existence, and that the purpose of doing so is to allow for them to be properly regulated and controlled, which is more difficult when you just declare them illegal and pretend they don’t exist. There was objectively, materially speaking, always private enterprise in the USSR, Cuba, and China, just written legislation that remained in denial of it.
Very interesting comment, thank you! I guess there’s still a lot I need to learn about Marx’s predictions
Holy moly, this is a golden explanation. I’m saving this thread. Thanks so much, comrade.
The entire part of the stalin model and squashing of small producers in your comment is the first time i have understood that part of soviet history.
I legit learned today.
I enjoy your to-the-point style. You could write essays on substack or whatever for money, I think.
I just wanted to say this is such a cogent and well-argued comment that i am really thankful to you it explains a lot of these concepts in a way i can understand and in a way i think i could even share with others in my life. thank you :)
Why is the NEP not relevant? Deng made it explicitly clear that Reform & Opening Up was inspired by the NEP, and was implemented for similar reasons. I agree that the basis of the NEP is in basic Marxian analysis of small producers vs. large producers, and therefore see the connection between the soviet NEP and Reform & Opening Up as being correct implementations of Marxian economics.
What do you mean by the NEP being irrelevant?
Whether or not the NEP occurred has no relevance to what I am talking about. What I am talking about was already the well-established dominant position among Marxists prior to the Stalin model. It was the position advocated by Marx, Engels, Lenin, etc, if you read Hilferding’s “Finance Capital” he talks about how early stage socialism will look and basically describes modern China to a T.
Equating modern China to NEP is a bit misleading because it implies (1) the policy is a development by Lenin, which Lenin did add a lot to Marxism, but what I am talking about is just classical Marxism and would be true even if Lenin never exited and can be found throughout Marxist writings prior to Lenin, and (2) when Lenin implemented the NEP, at the time, the country was so obscenely underdeveloped that national enterprises were few and far between did not even have a dominant position in the economy, which is why Lenin described NEP Russia as “state capitalist” and not socialist. While the dictatorship of the proletariat nationalized the largest enterprises, the largest enterprises objectively were insufficient to actually control the economy. The economy was largely still autonomous, overwhelmingly ran by small private producers.
That is not the state of modern day China, nor what earlier Marxists like Marx and Engels themselves, or other early Marxists like Hilferding were advocating. Lenin saw the NEP as a temporary transition period to lay the foundations for the large-scale enterprises which would then serve as the basis of socialism, but, at least according to Lenin’s own analysis, at the time, those did not sufficiently exist, and so it was explicitly not a form of socialism at all, not even an early stage of socialism, but of capitalism, due to the extraordinary levels of underdevelopment, even control of the largest enterprises did not translate itself to a dominant position of the “heights” of the economy.
Lenin also described the NEP as a “temporary retreat” precisely because it was state capitalist and not socialist.
When people equate modern day countries like Vietnam, China, Cuba, etc, to just doing the NEP in the modern era, it is very misleading. It implies these countries are not socialist but state capitalist, that they are not following the by-the-books development model suggested by Marxian political economy but are in a “temporary retreat” implementing a form of capitalism for the meantime. It also implies that this is an explicitly Leninist position, when it is not.
China already had a state capitalist phase and that had ended. The mistake was not that the state capitalist phase needed to be extended forever to all eternity in an endless NEP. The mistake was that the NEP should have gradually transitioned into a lower stage of socialism, which would then proceed to gradually transition into the higher stage of socialism, but the Stalin Model tried to jump directly from the NEP to the higher stage in one stroke. It was correct to move beyond state capitalism, just not in that way.
Ah, understood. We are on the same page, then, I misunderstood the wording. I can see the confusion that can arise by placing it on Lenin, rather than Marx, by referring to it as similar to the NEP. The Marxist basis of the NEP and China’s socialist market economy is both in Marx, not Lenin, agreed.
Funniest thing is Deprogram/Second Thought/etc is considered to be more on the radical side of breadtube
Deprogram and Second Thought support China, it’s Socialism 4 All that doesn’t.
In the way the CPUSA “supports China” sure
I don’t follow, the anti-China arguments mentioned by OP came exclusively from Socialism 4 All, not The Deprogram or Second Thought. I don’t pay much attention to Breadtube, but I’ve always seen pro-China content from the latter 2 while only anti-China content from S4A.
They said Second Thought and Yugopnik got them into Marxism and this is the general tract I hear out of Luna Oi/Deprogram fans.
Hasan Piker is “pro China” and he thinks the US can just copy their policies via progressive campaigns.
Whatever I’ll write up my last few years of being irritated with leftoids off Discord and shit when I completely stop valuing my time again (happens every few months). It seems like there is a new crop of these people. My natural inclination is to just vaguepost about it to find more people who can clue me in though
I don’t know how people are still falling for “they had Rockhill on” etc when the ACP and ChemicalMind or like
Robinson Erdhardt(this is a really bizarre slip I meant to write Acid Horizon, the other pod is where Wolff and Hudson meet up to express bewilderment) have done soOP deliberately stated that S4A responded to The Deprogram talking about China and saying it was good. I don’t care much for influencers, but the problem here is S4A, not The Deprogram.
This might be a good point to ask, why are ultras (and trotskyists, etc.) so universally disliked? I’m still learning the history and differences between all the groups of marxists, but surely having discussions and debates with people more skeptical of AES will allow those projects to find/fix their contradictions and improve themselves? Are there any other channels I should listen to over S4A?
#demonspotted #fuckoff
missed a bit of the first half because ADHD + cleaning shit but WOW https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R5oT3c8nBQ8 go to about 13:30 they have a Very Special Announcement to reassure their liberal audience that they “don’t endorse Iranian or Russian regional dominance”
So they’re still trotting out this bullshit KKE interpetation (https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/KKE_Model) of imperialism. What on earth is their “support” of China based on then? Do they just support what they see as the lesser ebil imperialist? Absolute garbage, none of this would hold up to scrutiny from their opponents. I hate vibes!! I hate vibes!!! 😵💫
It’s a good clarification to make since I didn’t really explain what I meant, the adversaries of people like S4A making completely boneheaded cases is the entire problem with this whole scene. Since they’ve gone through such an extensive process of elimination
Here is The Deprogram hosting a completely insane Russian leftcom (anticommunist) to talk about how the Ukraine war is heckin imperialist Russian fascism. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J65So9Ub-w0
When I get done watching this stupid Chapoid Deprogram video about China in the middle of the night I will explain why it sucks as well
I’m just tired of none of these people even listening closely to their own shows. I find the same shit every time. You guys actually have reactionary programs being posted on this side of the fediverse constantly & I’m too tired to explain since people just make Zizek glazer-esque “they radicalized me” excuses. No they didn’t
what did Luna Oi do tho
I don’t watch “breadtube” so I wouldn’t know.
I do not either my specialty is knowing search terms that magically bring up their worst video ever e.g. the Channel 5 Ukraine documentary is one of the only breadtube productions I have ever seen
Some people think this is being unfair but you should always use your high Insight stat to bypass “entertainers” completely
From an outsider’s perspective, I
From an outsider’s perspective, I consider myself someone who knows very little about China. I’ve learned a lot more than I knew before since my time on lemmygrad, but there is still a lot I’m unclear on or only have a vague impression of.
How much do you actually know about China? Have you been to China? Have you heard directly from Chinese marxists and anti-imperialists in China? Have you examined what China’s leaders are doing and saying in detail, or are only operating on vague telephone game impressions?
Western empire propaganda conditions people to look at AES states with extra suspicion, prejudice, and unrealistic (and double) standards. On top of some good ole’ racism. It tends to start from the conclusion that AES states are all or any of: corrupted, a failure, oppressive. Then it looks for vague data points to support this narrative (or, failing that, makes shit up). “Somebody was treated poorly in an AES state! Look at how bad it is! It’s not fully realized communism yet! Look at how bad it is! It’s communist! Look at how bad it is!” Etc. And notice the contradictory examples there because that is something the western empire will do. It will argue both from an anti-communist perspective and from a purely theoretical pro-communist perspective against “communists in practice failing to do communism right.” In this way, it attacks communism from multiple angles. From the “right” and from the “left”.
The empire’s goal is to wreck solidarity, drive people away from practical proven revolutionary solutions, and put them in an academic corner cleansed of revolutionary organizing where they can crow about how communist revolutions were never pure enough.
I decided to respond this way since others have already provided a myriad of information sources on the subject, as a more general point about interrogating how you view socialist projects (aka: AES states) and how you think about information you encounter about them. The empire, and it is one empire that we are talking about (the western one), is ruthless and shameless when it comes to lying. I could say lying about its “enemies”, but often its “enemies” are peoples who don’t even want to be enemies with it in the first place and would rather coexist in peace.
It’s good that you’re asking questions, and it’s healthy to also be asking, what do I even know to begin with on this subject? If the subject was biology and I studied it in bits and pieces, am I now qualified to judge how effective career biologists are at their jobs? The point here is not to kowtow to anyone calling themself a marxist because “they know more.” The point is to take seriously the nature of decades of a people practicing communism and how much depth there is involved vs. some podcasters on the internet weighing in from the outside.
We have so much to learn from places like China, Cuba, and other socialist projects. Our task is not to figure out to what degree we should be condemning or praising them, but to figure out what we can learn from them and implement where we are, so that we can build a better world together. Not to say condemning or praising shouldn’t ever happen, but it’s often beside the point. The primary point is to be able to enact revolutionary goals and that requires depth of practice and study, not superficial passing of judgment of existing socialist projects.
Part of the issue is that I don’t know what news I can trust. Obviously mainstream western news is going to be biased against China, but I don’t know where to learn about China in a way that stays “neutral” I guess, since I feel like reading Chinese media will only show me the good side of things, the same as any country’s news would do.
Maybe this will help: https://lemmygrad.ml/post/11544287
But also, try Xiaohongshu / Red Note. It may be a more casual way to get views from Chinese people living in China than filtering everything through a publication. Just understand they are not all going to be full-throated practicing communists.
Right that’s the easiest triangulation. Convince people all “state media” (public broadcasting) is inherently unreliable. The US + allies run the largest scene of “independent” magazines and papers, often showing up before actual African countries’ public broadcasting in search results. So of course they would encourage you to trust some “random” private shit that’s out there. Or the paper of a “neutral” country that is actually one of the financial satrapies and focused on propaganda in its region, e.g. you all endlessly pretending Al-Jazeera is reliable even when you know better. Or pretending the Intercept isn’t funded by Pierre Omidyar.
There’s also the problem that the alternative MSM / compatible left alt media get “the scoop” first, that being leaked information literally nobody else can get from the most powerful and evil finance + surveillance firms in the world (their “anonymous sources in the know” can easily control them this way). So yeah sometimes Klippenstein does actually find out the US is doing something evil 30 seconds faster. But then he also drops the fake Luigi manifesto on us and nukes his entire chance of the US public believing he is innocent from anyone who buys it.
I can tell other people don’t notice this because they’re not doing shit like scraping the news with regex and #actuallyreadingthearticles it’s not even hard.
Socialism itself is a transitional status between capitalism and communism. By definition, socialism contains elements of capitalism and elements of communism, as it gradually turns from one to the other. The existence of private property does not make China capitalist, just like the existence of public property does not make the United States socialist. Socialism is a form of society where the working classes control the state, and public ownership is the principal aspect of the economy, ie rising and dominant. Both of these apply to the PRC, ergo it is socialist.
Socialism 4 All is an Ultra. China is not imperialist, and theories of social imperialism arose during the Sino-Soviet split to try to justify supporting one socialist power over the other.
The bit about communism is that it depends on incredibly developed productive forces. The bit about markets is that they are pretty good at stitching together underdeveloped industries and small scale production into large scale production. China leverages markets for development and highly competitive industries to help create the conditions for effective planned economy. This is the socialist market economy. The soviet NEP was shortened because the USSR desperately needed to prepare for war, not because this is the “ideal form of socialism.” As @pcalau12i@lemmygrad.ml said in their top-level comment, this is based on classic Marxist analysis of the role of private property and marketization as it relates to socialization of production and distribution.
All in all, I think you need to ask yourself why socialism is scientific. What about China makes it “non-socialist?”
Wow, I’ve seen you everywhere across lemmy! Thanks for the response, but I feel like there’s a mismatch in how we define socialism. I’ve been using “worker ownership of the means of production” as my definition and I feel like the state being controlled by a communist party does not necessarily fit this, since what’s stopping the state and bureaucracy from becoming its own ruling class (or being used/infiltrated by the old bourgeoisie), given it holds all the power? Doesn’t the existence of private property whatsoever automatically contradict the fact that workers own the means of production? That’s why council communism and direct worker democracy seems more appealing to me, although I guess it hasn’t had the chance to be tested like leninism/vanguardism. The other thing is, it makes sense to me that public property can exist in capitalism, and that this is called mixed economy or social democracy. However, is vice versa really true? If private property exists in socialism, that means that there is a bourgeoisie, and if there is a bourgeoisie, it’s in their interest to undermine the power of the proletariat, and they will slowly chip away at workers’ rights. Haven’t we reached social democracy, but with extra steps? I doubt that socialism “contains elements of capitalism and elements of communism” in the way you mention, socialism seems to me an entirely independent economic system with communism as its most developed stage, where the only elements it has in common with capitalism is the existence of the state and money. TBH, I’m still processing @pcalau12i@lemmygrad.ml 's comment, it feels kind of mindblowing lol
(Sorry this comment is kind of sloppy, I’m tired right now)
“Worker ownership of the means of production” is not really a definition of socialism. It is a slogan, and a very compressed one at that. It does nothing to answer the decisive questions of ownership through what institutions, under which class power, backed by which state, etc.
Socialism is not an ideal model where all capitalist forms vanish overnight. Socialism is the transitional period between capitalism and communism. It begins when the proletariat seizes state power and uses that power to suppress the old exploiting classes, reorganize production, develop the productive forces, and gradually abolish the material basis of class society.
Here it is important to distinguish the state from the government. The government is the administrative apparatus needed to manage a complex society. The state, in the Marxist sense, is the instrument of class rule: courts, army, police, coercive institutions, legal order, and the political supremacy of one class over another. Under capitalism, even public property serves the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Under socialism, even when private or market forms still exist, they operate within a state whose class character is proletarian, provided the communist party maintains proletarian political leadership. (This is why when talking about communism as stateless it’s not no government it’s no state).
This is why comparing China to social democracy misses the central issue. Social democracy leaves the bourgeoisie in command of the state. It nationalizes some sectors, regulates capital, and redistributes part of the surplus, but the political power of capital remains intact. The bourgeoisie can reverse reforms, discipline labour, move capital, capture parties, and restore austerity when conditions change.
In China, the decisive question is not whether every enterprise is formally state-owned or collectively owned at this exact historical moment. The decisive question is which class commands the state, which class sets the strategic direction of development, and whether capital is politically sovereign or politically subordinated. A bourgeois state with public property is still bourgeois. A proletarian state with controlled private capital is still a proletarian state, so long as capital is not allowed to command the state.
Private property under socialism is a contradiction, yes. But socialism is made of contradictions. It is not communism. It inherits backward productive forces, commodity production, uneven development, peasant agriculture, world-market pressure, imperialist encirclement, technical dependency, and the habits of the old society. The question is not whether contradictions exist. The question is which force is principal within the contradiction.
A bourgeoisie can exist under socialism. That is precisely why the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary. If the bourgeoisie disappeared the moment the revolution succeeded, there would be no need for a socialist state. The continued existence of bourgeois elements does not disprove socialism. It proves the need for class struggle under socialism.
This was one of Chairman Mao’s central contributions. The danger of capitalist restoration does not only come from old landlords and capitalists. It can also come from new bourgeois elements inside the party, the state, and the planning apparatus. Bureaucracy can become a vehicle for bourgeois right. Technocrats can elevate production over politics. Party members can become detached from the masses. This is why socialist construction cannot be reduced to nationalization. It requires continuing class struggle, mass supervision, ideological struggle, rectification, and mechanisms that prevent the party and state from separating themselves from the people.
But the council communist answer does not solve this. It imagines that direct worker democracy, by itself, can substitute for the organized class rule of the proletariat. The problem is that isolated councils do not abolish the need for centralized power. They still face civil war, sabotage, famine, foreign invasion, uneven consciousness, uneven development, and coordination across an entire economy. Without a revolutionary party and a proletarian state, councils either get crushed, isolated, co-opted, or forced to recreate authority without admitting it.
It is also not true that councilist forms have never been tested. The Paris Commune was not identical to later council communism, but it was the classic historical example of a direct proletarian political form without a centralized proletarian state apparatus. Marx praised it deeply, but he and Engels also drew many lessons from its defeat. It did not move decisively enough against the old state, did not centralize revolutionary authority sufficiently, and was crushed. Later council experiments faced similar problems. The issue is not that they were morally worse. The issue is that they failed to solve the concrete problem of proletarian power.
The mistake is to treat “workers’ ownership” as a purely formal property relation. In reality, ownership is a question of power. A worker in a cooperative inside a capitalist market can still be ruled by capital through competition, credit, prices, supply chains, and the bourgeois state. Meanwhile, a worker in a state-owned enterprise under a proletarian state may not personally vote on every managerial decision, but the enterprise can still be part of a broader system where production is subordinated to social need rather than private accumulation.
Of course, this does not mean every policy of every socialist state is automatically correct. A proletarian state can make errors. Bureaucracy can grow. Inequality can widen. These are real dangers. But they are contradictions within socialist construction, not proof that socialism does not exist. To analyze them properly, we have to ask whether the state is struggling to subordinate capital to the people, or whether capital has already subordinated the state to itself.
Socialism is not an independent static system sitting neatly between capitalism and communism. It is the historical transition from one mode of production to another. That means it necessarily contains elements inherited from capitalism and elements developing toward communism. Commodity production, money, bourgeois right, wage differentials, markets, and even limited private capital can persist for a time.
Consider India vs China; if China is capitalist then it is the greatest economic model to exist. If they are both considered capitalist then there is no explanation of India’s poverty that does not end up leading to “Indians are genetically inferior”, and since the latter is clearly wrong then it maybe worthwhile reading:
Has China Turned to Capitalism? Reflections on the Transition from Capitalism to Socialism (2017), 60 min - https://redsails.org/losurdo-on-china/
I would also strongly recommend Why the World Needs China by Kyle Ferrano, and the rest of Losurdo’s works starting with:
- Flight from History
- Class Struggle
- Liberalism.
Best of luck
(Added - Even a superficial understanding of dialectics would consider this: if pro-social structures such as universal healthcare van exist in a capitalist country then captialist structures can exist in a socialist country. Socialism is neither egalitarianism nor workerism nor populism and those distinctions are important to understand why a vanguard of scientific socialists are a thing)
Lots of answers already so I would put the problem differently; ask yourself why left communists only ever seem to be finding an audience online to push their message onto.
I’ll try to answer some questions you may have.
You don’t reach socialism by pressing a button. I recommend reading Deng Xiaoping’s essays on the market reforms in China. You need to create the conditions for socialism to come about. The only way to do that is to improve your population’s material conditions. “Better a poor communist than a rich capitalist” is fundamentally wrong, because you can’t be a poor communist. There’s no such thing. Communism is the stage you reach when society has reached a post-abundance stage.
And very importantly, you can’t ignore the conditions that China was and is operating under. China had a fall out with the USSR, was at odds with the West, and had nearly a billion people to care for. If they hadn’t industrialized fast enough, they’d be another India today. I’m not saying that industrialization didn’t introduce economic exploitation, but the choice was either that, or being a backwater low level factory for Western exploitation.
China has now reached the stage where its population is in a good spot, it has a strong industrial base, and it has the largest economy in the world. Hence, ever since Xi became the general secretary, the focus shifted from rapid expansion of industry to the refining of existing base to clear out capitalist influence and undoing Jintao’s mistakes of letting capitalists into the party.
For all its merits, China isn’t perfect, but they’re building towards Socialism. The best evidence for this to me, is the flight of millionaires and billionaires in China is the highest in the world, both in absolute and relative terms. Conversely, US is still the desired location for global capital and Bourgeoise.
With regards to China’s inaction with international movements, China has made it clear that they will never interfere in other countries’ affairs. It learned from the USSR’s mistakes. When you force socialism on people, all it does is alienate them further. They see it as social imperialism, because a foreign system is being forced on them, even if it’s materially better for them. Socialism has to come from the grassroots. It has to come from below, not above.
The USSR used the NEP to industrialize fast, because it had breathing room with most of the capitalist world engaged in an intra capitalist war. Despite that, it still faced a lot of attacks from all sides. Both economic and physical. White army was heavily supported by the West. And the USSR failed in one crucial aspect, its population never had consumer goods. They had great lives and economic development, but not enough consumer goods, since the USSR heavily focused on military to fight the West, neglecting regular people’s wants. This helped capitalist propaganda spread faster, creating reactionary elements in society.
I personally wish China was more like the USSR, but the truth is, USSR isn’t around anymore, and the way it operated also has a large hand in that. China learned from the USSR’s mistakes, and now it’s more powerful than the USSR ever was.
Besides, China accepts materialism, not idealism. They’re not trying to prove socialism is better than capitalism. They already know it’s a fact, and sooner or later, all countries will come to accept it. China is just building towards Socialism, because they know that’s what the future is.
interesting points about how China could become “social imperialist” and succeed the US/NATO
Please tell me how you or this youtuber think this will come about. Taking a time period like the previous 5 or 10 years, how has China advanced its supposed goal of social imperialism since then?
I’m having trouble finding the actual place in the video where he said that, but IIRC his argument was that the bourgeoisie have likely already made their way into the CPC, and once China becomes more powerful than the US, they will go more “mask off” with their activity in Africa since they won’t have any competition in terms of making trade deals and agreements. China also clearly has more leverage than the African countries they do business with
Bourgeois sleeper cells within the CCP. Got it.
I don’t have the time to fully engage with this rn and I apologize for that but this is a list of links commented by Dessalines that I found useful
The PRC is a mixed economy, with the planned socialist sector predominating, and a smaller capitalist sector.
- The backbone of the economy is state ownership and socialist planning. 24 / 25 of the top revenue companies are state-owned and planned. 70% of the top 500 companies are State-owned. 1, 2 The largest bank, construction, electricity, and energy companies in the world, are CPC controlled entities, subject to the 5 year plans laid out by the central committee.
- Workplace democracy in action in the CPC.
- Is modern day china communist? Is it staying true to communist values?
- Didn’t China go Capitalist with Deng Xiaoping? Didn’t it liberalize its economy? Is China’s drastic decrease in poverty a result of the increase in free market capitalist policies?
- Is the CPC committed to communism?
- The Long Game and Its Contradictions. Audiobook
- The myth of Chinese state capitalism. Did Deng really betray Chinese socialism?
- Tsinghua University- Is Socialism with Chinese Characteristics real socialism, or is it state Capitalism?
- Isn’t China revisionist for having a capitalist sector of the economy, and working with capitalists? Why isn’t it fully planned like the USSR was?
- Castro on why both China and Vietnam are socialist countries.
- Roderic Day - China has billionaires.
- What is socialism with Chinese characteristics (SWCC)?
- How is SWCC not revisionist? How is it any different from Gorbachev’s market reforms?, 2
- Domenico Losurdo - is China state capitalist?, 2
- Did Lenin say anything about Market Socialism, or productivism?
- Vijay Prashad - Is China capitalist?
- Why do Chinese billionaires keep ending up in prison? Why are many billionaires and CEOs going missing? China sentences Ex-Chairman of a major bank, guilty of embezzling ~$100M USD, to death in 2019.
No, its trade and infrastructure projects in Africa are not imperialist
- Debunking the claim that “China is Imperialist”
- The demeanor of Chinese leaders (Xi Jinping) vs Western leaders (Nancy Pelosi) towards African nations. One of the reasons why African nations favor China instead of the West. Full video here
- An African leader on the hypocrisy of those saying China is imperialist.
- China africa panel: if you want actual infrastructure, you go to China, not the west.
- Is China really imperialist? What’s the difference between what Europe did to Africa, and what China is doing?
- Five imperialist myths about China’s role in Africa.
- Evo Morales - Why China and Russia aren’t imperialist, but the US is.
- US air force veteran Bill Brown breaks down the history of anti-chinese propaganda, and why China is not colonialist like the west.
- Yanis Varoufakis on China’s foreign policy dealings with Greece and Africa.
- The chinese debt trap is a myth.
- China writes off $6M in debt to rwanda, provides another $60M in grants.
- China forgives over $78M in Cameroon debt.
- China writes off $36m Mozambican debt.
- China writes off substantial amount of Angola debt.
- After a group of Guangdong landlords evicted a group of Africans, the CPC arrested them, apologized to the African Union, paid for hotels for the migrants, passed a series of anti-discrimination laws, and spent weeks going to all the restaurants, landlords, and taxis to warn them of the law.
- Nato’s new enemy: the CPC.
- The western media’s China hysteria.
Damn, that’s pretty impressive, for no time, comrade! ❤️🫡
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We’ve covered all of this territory many times, so in case no one’s in the mood to retread all of it today, I’ll suggest a few starting points:
- Is China Capitalist?
- Roderic Day, China Has Billionaires
- Domenico Losurdo, Has China Turned to Capitalism? Reflections on the Transition from Capitalism to Socialism
- The Atlantic, Why Do Chinese Billionaires Keep Ending Up in Prison?
- Vijay Prashad, 📺 Is China Capitalist?
- Is China Imperialist?
- Gabriel Rockhill, 🎧 Understanding Siege Socialism
I found a YouTube link in your comment. Here are links to the same video on alternative frontends that protect your privacy:
- Is China Capitalist?
[2021-04-05] RedSails – China Has Billionaires
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“We want to do business.” Quite right, business will be done.
— Mao Zedong, 1949. On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship. [1]Contents
Introduction
US Presidents historically reach their highest approval ratings due to war. George W. Bush reached an all-time-high of 90% in 2001 as the wrathful nation geared up to invade Afghanistan, and his father George H. W. Bush ranks second place with 89% in 1991, right as the US declared the end of its (first) invasion of Iraq and the “liberation of Kuwait.” [2] So when Harvard University’s Ash Center released a 2020 study of Chinese public opinion showing that, as of 2016, “95.5 percent of respondents were either ‘relatively satisfied’ or ‘highly satisfied’ with Beijing,” it was all the more remarkable given the fact that this was a country at peace. [3]
Though it came as a shock to Western audiences, who understand China to be a tyrannical state-capitalist authoritarian regime, observers in the imperial periphery have always seen things rather differently. As far back as 2004, Fidel Castro argued that “China has objectively become the most promising hope and the best example for all Third World countries,” [4] and in August 2014, he reaffirmed this sanguine outlook: “Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary leaders I have met in my life.” [5] In May 2018, Professor Yanis Varoufakis, former Greek Minister of Finance, assuaged an anxious member of the audience at a Cambridge Forum: “I have to tell you that, from my understanding of China, it’s a very interesting social experiment, in the sense that at the local level or the regional level you now have a boisterous democracy, with popular success stories in overthrowing local authorities, local bureaucrats who have been corrupt.” [6] Later that same year, before his 2019 ouster in a US-backed coup, Evo Morales said “I trust China very much. China has always accompanied us in many of our aspirations in the social, cultural, political and economic spheres” [7] and that “China’s support and aid to Bolivia’s economic and social development never attaches any political conditions.” [8] In 2020 the former Liberian Minister for Public Works W. Gyude Moore bluntly wrote “China has built more infrastructure in Africa in two decades than the West has in centuries, China is also our friend,” [9] and in 2021 Iran signed a 25-year cooperation agreement with China. Despite the vehement insistence of Western punditry, world consensus against China’s “tyranny” fails to materialize.
The imperial core is not bereft of insightful testimony either, especially outside of the salacious atrocity propaganda that currently jams the airwaves. A 2021 Politico memo urged policymakers: “To Counter China’s Rise, the U.S. Should Focus on Xi.” [10] The White House was similarly unequivocal in a June 2020 assessment:
Let us be clear, the Chinese Communist Party is a Marxist-Leninist organization. The Party General Secretary Xi Jinping sees himself as Josef Stalin’s successor. In fact, as the journalist and former Australian government official John Garnaut has noted, the Chinese Communist Party is the last “ruling communist party that never split with Stalin, with the partial exception of North Korea.” [11]
Leaked cables from 2009 give a clear sense of why Xi Jinping aggravates the US:
Unlike many youth who “made up for lost time by having fun” after the Cultural Revolution, Xi “chose to survive by becoming redder than the red.” … Xi is not corrupt and does not care about money, but could be “corrupted by power,” in our contact’s view. [12]
Elsewhere, a 2015 piece for the New York Times titled “Maoists in China, Given New Life, Attack Dissent” expresses outright anxiety:
“China watchers all need to stop saying this is all for show or that he’s turning left to turn right,” said Christopher K. Johnson, an expert on China at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, who formerly worked as a senior China analyst at the C.I.A. “This is a core part of the guy’s personality. The leftists certainly feel he’s their guy.” [13]
My favourite article in this genre, though, comes from The Guardian. Perfectly illustrating Marx’s observation that “the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas,” Richard McGregor’s “How the state runs business in China” appears blissfully unaware that his scaremongering portrayal of the trials and tribulations of capitalists in China is actually rather heartwarming:
But Xi’s support for mixing private and public ownership structures was purely pragmatic. It had value, he said in another forum, because it would “improve the socialist market economic structure.” Xi’s assessment is echoed by Michael Collins, one of the CIA’s most senior officials for Asia. “The fundamental end of the Communist party of China under Xi Jinping is all the more to control that society politically and economically,” Collins argued earlier this year. “The economy is being viewed, affected and controlled to achieve a political end.”
…
The party’s overarching aim, though, has remained consistent: to ensure that the private sector, and individual entrepreneurs, do not become rival players in the political system. The party wants economic growth, but not at the expense of tolerating any organised alternative centres of power.
…
“[Capitalists] act as if they are being chased by a bear,” wrote Zhang Lin, a Beijing political commentator, in response to these comments. “They are powerless to control the bear, so they are competing to outrun each other to escape the animal.” [14]The horror!
The bourgeois press, articulating the fears of really nobody other than its owners, rattles off one tragedy after another:
- At moments, it’s hard to tell whether the driving force behind China’s green policy is a desire for a cleaner environment, or an obsession with social controls. [15]
- China’s vow to end extreme poverty in 2020 involves stunning numbers: billions of $ spent, millions moved from rural homes. But don’t miss what it really is: a political campaign to integrate the poor into the natl economy, & train them to thank the Party. [16]
- Hong Kong’s opposition has been tamed. Now, Beijing is turning to the city’s wealth gap and lack of affordable housing, which it blames for the social unrest. Up for consideration: Reforming the tax structure and increasing land supply. [17]
- A Chinese entrepreneur may drive a Maserati and send his son to Harvard, but he is a political slave. [18]
- China will soon open a new stretch of rail across Tibet. … To the party, it appears no expense is too great in its campaign to integrate the vast, isolated region more closely with the interior. [19]
- China’s crackdown on Didi is a reminder that Beijing is in charge. … Regulators met with Didi and told them to ensure fairness and transparency when it came to pricing and drivers’ incomes. [20]
Taken together, these accounts tell a pretty compelling and straightforward story: a worker state led by a vanguard party has placed the productive forces developed by capitalism under human control once again, for the benefit of the many rather than the few, and so definitively begun the complex and difficult transition away from capitalism and into communism that we call socialism. Capitalists, sheltered and insular in their dealings with fellow human beings, don’t understand that they are not sympathetic characters, so they shamelessly self-victimize in the press in the hopes of winning sympathy from the masses, in a futile effort to rally the necessary fervor for military intervention. The situation looks grim for the forces of reaction.
And then the Western Left bursts onto the scene with a litany of harsh recriminations, determined to build up China into a villain worthy of war: “China has billionaires.” “China still has inequality.” “China still has wage labour.” “There’s no free speech there.” “Suicide nets.” “Free Tibet.” “Xinjiang is East Turkestan.” “Liberate Hong Kong.” “Neither Washington Nor Beijing.” Their indulgence in atrocity propaganda is unparalleled, and they’ll often outdo original sources and even the most vicious reactionaries in their preening paraphrases of Chinese horror.
In their “David vs. Goliath” worldview, heroism is characterized by evanescense or futility (Rosa Luxemburg, Anarchist Catalonia, Leon Trotsky, Rojava, CHAZ in Seattle, Bernie Sanders, the Communist Party of the Philippines), whereas victory and longevity are in themselves proof that principles were betrayed and sadism is the rule (Joseph Stalin, Kim Il-sung, Deng Xiaoping, Nicolás Maduro, Xi Jinping). Though socialist groups in the West tend to be secular, Christianity remains culturally hegemonic to such a degree that figures are appreciated in proportion to how well they fit a narrative template of martyrdom. [21]
Faced with the intellectually challenging task of defending projects that didn’t always live up to our a priori ideals, with the task of understanding why they didn’t live up to those ideals, many opt for the doctrine of betrayal:
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